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under paragraphs 37 and 37A amounting to a blanket exclusion of all professional visits by journalists to prisoners on the ground that to allow any interviews would undermine proper control and discipline. The judge granted an application for judicial review of the Secretary of State's decision to deny access save on the signing of a disclaimer, holding that a blanket prohibition on using material obtained during a visit was an excessive interference with a prisoner's right to free speech and to that extent paragraphs 37 and 37A were unlawful. On the Secretary of State's appeal, the Court of Appeal reversed the judge's decision. |
On the applicants' appeals:-- |
Held, allowing the appeals, that although it was an inevitable consequence of imprisonment that a prisoner could not have an uncontrolled right to freedom of expression, such limitations as were imposed had to be justified by a pressing social need and as being the minimum interference necessary to achieve the objectives of deprivation of liberty by sentence of the court and discipline and order in prisons; that since a prisoner had a legitimate interest in seeking to obtain a reference back of his case to the Court of Appeal to challenge the safety of his conviction, and to enlist the investigative resources of the media in obtaining the requisite new evidence, a refusal to allow an interview necessary for that purpose threatened a prisoner's ability to gain access to justice and, given that it was administratively workable to allow interviews for such a limited purpose consistently with order and discipline, amounted to an unjustifiable curtailment of his right to freedom of expression; that since general powers of decision-making conferred by statute were presumed to have been enacted as subject to fundamental civil liberties, paragraphs 37 and 37A of Prison Service Standing Order 5 could not be construed as conferring the right to impose an indiscriminate ban on all interviews by journalists with prisoners such as would infringe that right to seek access to justice; and that, accordingly, although paragraphs 37 and 37A had not been demonstrated to be ultra vires in themselves, the policy of the Secretary of State in imposing an indiscriminate ban on such interviews in purported reliance on their provisions was unlawful and the decisions of the governors pursuant to that policy could not stand (post, pp. 119E, 126B-E, 127B, 128F-H, 130A-C, 132B-C,141F-G, 142B-C, 144F, 146D-E). |
Decision of the Court of Appeal [1999] Q.B. 349; [1998] 3 W.L.R. 1169; [1998] 2 All E.R. 491 reversed. |
The following cases are referred to in their Lordships' opinions: |
Attorney-General v. Guardian Newspapers Ltd. (No. 2) [1990] 1 A.C. 109; [1988] 3 W.L.R. 776; [1988] 3 All E.R. 545, H.L.(E.) |
Derbyshire County Council v. Times Newspapers Ltd. [1993] A.C. 534; [1993] 2 W.L.R. 449; [1993] 1 All E.R. 1011, H.L.(E.) |
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Raymond v. Honey [1983] 1 A.C. 1; [1982] 2 W.L.R. 465; [1982] 1 All E.R. 756, H.L.(E.) |
Reg. v. Ministry of Defence, Ex parte Smith [1996] Q.B. 517; [1996] 2 W.L.R. 305; [1996] 1 All E.R. 257, C.A. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Bamber (unreported), 15 February 1996; Court of Appeal (Civil Division) Transcript No. 120 of 1996, C.A. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Hickey (No. 2) [1995] 1 W.L.R. 734; [1995] 1 All E.R. 490, D.C. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Leech [1994] Q.B. 198; [1993] 3 W.L.R. 1125; [1993] 4 All E.R. 539, C.A. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte O'Dhuibir (unreported), 27 February 1997; Court of Appeal (Civil Division) Transcript No. 383 of 1997, C.A. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Pierson [1998] A.C. 539; [1997] 3 W.L.R. 492; [1997] 3 All E.R. 577, H.L.(E.) |
Silver v. United Kingdom (1980) 3 E.H.R.R. 475; (1983) 5 E.H.R.R. 347 |
The following additional cases were cited in argument: |
Bamber v. United Kingdom (unreported), 11 September 1997, European Commission of Human Rights |
R. v. Central Independent Television Plc. [1994] Fam. 192; [1994] 3 W.L.R. 20; [1994] 3 All E.R. 641, C.A. |
Reg. v. Broadmoor Special Hospital Authority, Ex parte S. (unreported), 5 February 1998; Court of Appeal (Civil Division) Transcript No. 143 of 1998, C.A. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Anderson [1984] Q.B. 778; [1984] 2 W.L.R. 725; [1984] 1 All E.R. 920, D.C. |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Brind [1991] 1 A.C. 696; [1991] 2 W.L.R. 588; [1991] 1 All E.R. 720, H.L.(E.) |
Reg. v. Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex parte Bugdaycay [1987] A.C. 514; [1987] 2 W.L.R. 606; [1987] 1 All E.R. 940, H.L.(E.) |
APPEALS from the Court of Appeal. |
These were consolidated appeals, by leave of the House of Lords (Lord Lloyd of Berwick, Lord Steyn and Lord Hutton), by the applicants, Ian Simms and Michael O'Brien, from the decision of the Court of Appeal (Kennedy, Judge and Chadwick L.JJ.) allowing an appeal by the Secretary of State for the Home Department from the order of Latham J. granting judicial review of the Secretary of State's continuing decision that the applicants could receive visits in prison from journalists only if the journalists signed an undertaking agreeing not to use any material or information obtained on their visits for professional purposes. |
The facts are stated in the opinions of Lord Steyn and Lord Hobhouse of Woodborough. |
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The policy adopted in relation to paragraphs 37 and 37A does not prevent the prisoner from speaking to a journalist so as to enlist his support, but only prevents the journalist from publishing details of any oral interview. The prisoner may correspond with the journalist, who can also interview the prisoner's family, friends and lawyers, with a view to campaigning through the media for his case to be reopened. Whether considered as a matter of vires or of reasonableness, therefore, there is sufficient justification for the policy. |
Fitzgerald Q.C. replied. |
Their Lordships took time for consideration. |
8 July. LORD BROWNE-WILKINSON. My Lords, I have had the advantage of reading in draft the speech prepared by my noble and learned friend, Lord Steyn. For the reasons which he gives I would allow both the appeals and make the declarations which he proposes. |
LORD STEYN. My Lords, in the last 15 years a number of miscarriages of justice have been exposed. I do not have in mind cases where in the ordinary process of appeal a wrong has been corrected. The term is apt where a conviction was at first upheld on appeal but subsequently, after the defendant had perhaps served years in prison, the case was reopened and the conviction found to be unsafe. The risk of such miscarriages is ever present. On 18 May 1999 Mr. David Calvert-Smith Q.C., the Director of Public Prosecutions, found it necessary to issue a specific warning to prosecutors about the need to guard against such miscarriages taking place. He added that he "was concerned, and have been concerned for some time, that at present there is a significant number of cases in which the prosecution are not so complying [with the duty of disclosure]." It has been demonstrated on the hearing of the present appeals that in recent years a substantial number of miscarriages of justice have only been identified and corrected as a result of painstaking investigation by journalists. And those investigations have included oral interviews with the prisoners in prison. |
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The Home Secretary contends that prisoners have no right to have oral interviews with journalists in aid of an attempt to gain access to the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division). The policy of the Home Secretary is that such interviews would tend to undermine the discipline and control which are unquestionably essential conditions in a prison environment. On behalf of the applicants the consequentialist argument is that if the policy of the Home Secretary is upheld it will be virtually impossible for a journalist to take on a case which he believes to merit investigation. |
The case in a nutshell |
The restrictions on the rights of prisoners |
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Section 47(1) of the Prison Act 1952 enables the Home Secretary to make rules for, amongst other things, "the regulation and management of prisons ... and for the ... treatment, employment, discipline and control of persons required to be detained therein." The power to make such rules is exercisable by statutory instrument: section 52(1) of the Act of 1952. Pursuant to section 47(1) there are, amongst others, rules which enable a prisoner to correspond with his legal advisers, and to have interviews with legal advisers in prison: paragraph 34 of section A of the Prison Service Standing Order 5. The rules also make provision for a prisoner to correspond with a journalist: paragraph 34 of section B. But the provisions regulating an oral interview by a journalist (in section A) are in the following more restrictive terms: |
"Visits by journalists or writers. 37. Visits to inmates by journalists or authors in their professional capacity should in general not be allowed and the governor has authority to refuse them without reference to headquarters. If a journalist or author who is a friend or relative wishes to visit an inmate in this capacity and not for professional purposes, the governor should inform the intending visitor that before the visit can take place he or she will be required to give a written undertaking that any material obtained at the interview will not be used for professional purposes and in particular for publication by the intending visitor or anyone else. |
"37A. Where, exceptionally, a journalist or author is permitted to visit an inmate in his or her professional capacity, or is allowed general access to the establishment, he or she will be required to give a written undertaking that no inmate will be interviewed except with the express permission in each case of the governor and the inmate concerned, that interviews will be conducted in accordance with such other conditions as the governor considers necessary, and that any material obtained at the interview will not be used for professional purposes except as permitted by the governor. No inmate should be permitted to accept any payment or gratuity in return for an interview or for a radio or television appearance." |
Paragraph 37A requires the express permission in each case of the governor and the inmate concerned. In the cases before the House the two prisoners wished to be interviewed in order to appeal to public opinion through the media. At stake are the rights of prisoners to be interviewed by journalists of the prisoners' choice. |
The case of Mr. Simms |
On 14 March 1989 Mr. Simms was convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment. On 8 October 1990 the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division) refused Mr. Simms' renewed application for leave to appeal. On 10 July 1991 the Home Secretary, having considered representations from Mr. Simms, declined to refer his case to the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division). In 1990 Mr. Simms wrote to Bob Woffinden, a journalist who specialises in the investigation of possible miscarriages of justice. They started to communicate by letters and visits. In late 1994 the Home |
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Secretary became aware that Mr. Woffinden was visiting Mr. Simms. This led to the governor of H.M.P. Full Sutton informing Mr. Woffinden that he could no longer visit Mr. Simms unless he signed an undertaking in accordance with paragraph 37 not to publish anything that passed between him and Mr. Simms during the visit. On 28 January 1995 Mr. Woffinden wrote an article about Mr. Simms' case which was published in "The Independent Magazine." His theme was that no body was ever found and that the supposed victim may simply have disappeared. On 23 May 1995 the governor of H.M.P. Full Sutton wrote to Mr. Woffinden and confirmed that he would have to sign the undertaking before a further visit could take place. On 28 June 1996 Mr. Simms commenced judicial review proceedings. Since then Mr. Simms has been moved to H.M.P. Long Lartin. The policy of the Home Secretary about oral interviews between prisoners and journalists has been maintained. |
The case of Mr. O'Brien |
On 20 July 1988 Mr. O'Brien was convicted of murder and robbery. On 16 March 1990 the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division) refused Mr. O'Brien's renewed application for leave to appeal. The Home Secretary refused his request to refer his case to the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division). In early 1995 Mr. O'Brien first received visits at H.M.P. Long Lartin from Karen Voisey, a journalist working for B.B.C. Wales. She started investigating Mr. O'Brien's convictions. She interviewed O'Brien on eight occasions in 1995. Mr. O'Brien wanted Ms Voisey to produce a television programme about his case. But by 19 December 1995, when she sought once more to visit Mr. O'Brien, H.M. Prison Service had become aware that Ms Voisey was a journalist, and so she was required to sign an undertaking in the same terms as that required in the case of Mr. Woffinden. She, too, refused to sign the undertaking and was turned away. She has not visited him since. Mr. O'Brien and his solicitors challenged the decision. On 26 April 1996 the governor confirmed that the original decision stands. On the 2 July 1996 Mr. O'Brien commenced judicial review proceedings. |
On 19 October 1998 the Criminal Cases Review Commission referred Mr. O'Brien's case to the Court of Appeal. On 21 December 1998 Mr. O'Brien was granted bail pending appeal. At present Mr. O'Brien is not affected by the policy which is the subject of this appeal. If this appeal is unsuccessful, and he is returned to prison, he will once again be subject to its terms. |
The proceedings before Latham J. |
When the matter came before Latham J. there was before him an affidavit sworn by Audrey Wickington, a grade 6 officer in the Prison Service. She said: |
"The arrangements covering representatives of the media visiting prisoners and using the information obtained for professional purposes, such as in each of these cases where the two applicants sought to publicise their claims to be innocent of the offences of which |
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they had been convicted, are designed to prevent gratuitous details of a prisoner's offence or his attitude towards the offence and/or the victim entering the public domain. If such safeguards are not maintained, the scope for abuse would be enormous, and consequently there would be serious risk of distress to victims and their families and general public outrage at the sight of prisoners and representatives of the media collaborating to publish details of any aspect of a prisoner's case." |
Latham J. described this statement as the high point of the Home Secretary's case. He held that it did not justify "the blanket prohibition on making use of material obtained in a visit." |
The proceeding of the Court of Appeal |
Given that Latham J. was unimpressed with the cogency of the grounds contained in the affidavit served on behalf of the Home Secretary, two further affidavits were placed before the Court of Appeal. Robert Thomas, the chief press officer for H.M. Prison Service, said: |
"If it were to become common practice to allow journalists access to individual prisoners it would not be possible to offer the same sort of protection currently given to prisoners in the form of professional media advice. A prisoner unhappy at the outcome of an interview has few avenues left open to him as the options for complaint are strictly limited by the prisoner's circumstances. Such resentment within a prison can bring staff additional problems." |
Audrey Wickington expanded her earlier evidence |
"Even if the subject of a conversation were restricted to serious representations about conviction or sentence or serious comment about crime, the process of justice or the penal system, the Prison Service could not prevent a journalist using the information provided by the prisoner to write an article which did not represent the prisoner's viewpoint or did not consider at all the rightness of the conviction, dwelling instead on the prisoners' attitude towards his offences and victims. Misrepresentations and distortions of this sort would, in the judgment of the Prison Service, be likely to have a more dramatic impact on members of the public reading the article, particularly the victims of the offence, when the journalists had based his account on a live interview with the prisoner." |
Referring to paragraph 37A she stated that a governor might exceptionally consider a visit by a journalist to a prisoner, such as in "the case of an illiterate prisoner." |
Kennedy L.J. [1999] Q.B. 349, 362 came to the following conclusions in the cases of Mr. Simms and Mr. O'Brien: |
"In my judgment a convicted prisoner has no right to communicate orally with the media through a journalist. The loss of that 'right,' if it can properly be so described, is part and parcel of a sentence of imprisonment ... I would therefore reject the vires argument which found favour with the judge and allow the appeal. In |
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so far as Mr. Owen sought to contend that the requirement of a written undertaking was and is irrational, disproportionate or otherwise unjustifiable, I would reject that submission ..." |
In a separate judgment Judge L.J. approached the problem in less absolute terms. He observed, at p. 372: |
"If he is visiting as a professional journalist, or intending to use the material obtained at interview in a professional capacity, it is difficult to accept that the limitation on the entitlement of the journalist to publish the contents of his communications with the prisoner infringes the prisoner's right of free expression, at any rate in any way which significantly increases the inevitable interference with that right which follows incarceration. As the prisoner's ability to communicate with journalists both orally and in writing is preserved, what in reality is at stake is the relationship between the journalist and those responsible for the secure administration of the prison. The potential for increased problems with security and discipline, staff, other inmates, and after conviction, with victims or their families, all underline the need for control of such visits to be vested in and exercised by the governor. This is what the regulatory framework is intended to achieve and in the circumstances I have concluded that the restriction currently under consideration is not ultra vires." |
Judge L.J. also held that the decision to require an undertaking was not irrational. Chadwick L.J. agreed with both judgments. |
The principal issues and arguments |
Counsel for the Home Secretary said that the current policy is enshrined in paragraphs 37 and 37A. Counsel argued that properly construed those paragraphs authorise the Home Secretary to impose a complete ban on journalists interviewing prisoners for any purpose. And he argued that the Home Secretary may ban any interviews even if the sole purpose of the prisoner is to gain access to the investigative resources of the media in order to publicise an alleged injustice and to achieve a reference back of his case to the Court of Appeal (Criminal Division). Counsel for the Home Secretary emphasised that, as he described it, this "blanket ban" is what the Home Secretary is defending. And the Home Secretary contends that to allow any interviews would undermine proper control and discipline in prisons. But counsel observed that in wholly exceptional circumstances the Home Secretary in his unfettered discretion may allow an interview, e.g. in the case of an illiterate prisoner who is unable to correspond with a journalist. |
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The agreed statement of facts and issues states that the issue is whether the provisions of paragraphs 37 and 37A are ultra vires. Counsel for the Home Secretary argued that paragraphs 37 and 37A authorise the policy of the Home Secretary and he submitted that this policy is lawful. The printed case of the applicants seeks a declaration that paragraphs 37 and 37A are ultra vires. In much of his oral argument counsel for the applicants assumed that paragraphs 37 and 37A do indeed authorise the already described policy of the Home Secretary. On that basis he submitted that those provisions are ultra vires. In both cases, however, the Divisional Court form 86A sought the quashing of the administrative decisions affecting the prisoners. And counsel for the applicants said that, irrespective of the vires of paragraphs 37 and 37A, the applicants' case is that the policy of the Home Secretary (and the administrative decisions of the governors pursuant to that policy) are unlawful. |
In this somewhat untidy procedural situation I will consider the issues in the following order. 1. I will first assume that the Home Secretary's interpretation of paragraphs 37 and 37A is correct. On this assumption I will consider the lawfulness of his policy. 2. If it is unlawful, I will need to deal with the question whether the Home Secretary's interpretation of paragraphs 37 and 37A is correct. The question arises whether those provisions are ultra vires. 3. If paragraphs 37 and 37A are not ultra vires, I will need to consider what other relief is appropriate. |
1. The lawfulness of the Home Secretary's policy |
(a) Freedom of expression |
The starting point is the right of freedom of expression. In a democracy it is the primary right: without it an effective rule of law is not possible. Nevertheless, freedom of expression is not an absolute right. Sometimes it must yield to other cogent social interests. Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1953) (Cmd. 8969) is in the following terms: |
"I. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers ... 2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such |
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formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary." |
"As regards the words 'necessary in a democratic society' in connection with the restrictions on the right to freedom of expression which may properly be prescribed by law, the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights has established that 'necessary' requires the existence of a pressing social need, and that the restrictions should be no more than is proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued." |
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The value of free speech in a particular case must be measured in specifics. Not all types of speech have an equal value. For example, no prisoner would ever be permitted to have interviews with a journalist to publish pornographic material or to give vent to so-called hate speech. Given the purpose of a sentence of imprisonment, a prisoner can also not claim to join in a debate on the economy or on political issues by way of interviews with journalists. In these respects the prisoner's right to free speech is outweighed by deprivation of liberty by the sentence of a court, and the need for discipline and control in prisons. But the free speech at stake in the present cases is qualitatively of a very different order. The prisoners are in prison because they are presumed to have been properly convicted. They wish to challenge the safety of their convictions. In principle it is not easy to conceive of a more important function which free speech might fulfil. |
(b) Miscarriages of justice identified by investigative journalism |
My Lords, the members of the Court of Appeal were under the impression, and acted on the basis, that it was not necessary for a prisoner to have an oral interview with a journalist since he can correspond with a journalist, and in that way advance his argument for the thorough investigation and possible eventual reopening of his case. As a result of the appeal to the House there is now available material which the Court of Appeal had no opportunity to consider. First, Mr. Woffinden, the journalist in the Simms case, has provided details of some 60 cases over the last 10 years where journalists played a substantial role in identifying miscarriages of justice which led to the quashing of the convictions. In the absence of contrary information I regard this document as relevant material tending to establish in a general way the value of investigative journalism in exposing miscarriages of justice. Secondly, and more importantly, an affidavit by Gareth Peirce, an experienced and distinguished practitioner, was placed before the House. Gareth Peirce has acted in more than 20 references to the Court of Appeal in which convictions were eventually quashed. She advised on the setting up of the Criminal Cases Review Commission and subsequently conducted training exercises for the new commissioners and caseworkers. She was asked to discuss the importance of the role of the press in undoing wrongful convictions and did so. Despite the length of the quotation it is necessary to set out in full the core passages in her affidavit. She listed following factors as "important and universal:" |
"(a) There is no legal aid for investigations. (On the rare occasions that the green form scheme has allowed for extensions, these amount to little more than several hours' work by a solicitor.) (b) I am informed by the Criminal Cases Review Commission that more than 90 per cent. of applicants are not represented by solicitors. (c) The criteria for referring cases to the Court of Appeal are interpreted as requiring new evidence or new and important considerations of substance. (d) Any commitment to attempting to undo a wrongful conviction is a substantial one; as a solicitor, I am aware that each such commitment will involve me in enormous personal expenditure |
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of time and money, as well as anxiety and responsibility above even the norm in defending cases. No one would contemplate such a commitment unless they had the clearest possible view at the outset of the appropriateness of their efforts. Such a view can only be properly arrived at by meeting the individuals concerned and discussing their predicament with them. (e) There is no difference in the approach of members of the press to that of solicitors; the commitment of an author to writing a book about a case, of a journalist to writing an insightful article, or a television company to the making of a programme involves a major deployment of resources, budgets and time. Each task demands that those making such a decision believe that their choice is an appropriate one. Such a decision is almost impossible if the individual cannot be seen; where it remains impossible, that the individual's case is the less likely to be taken up by that section of the press that might have become interested in the abstract. (f) Although the Criminal Cases Review Commission was expected to be able to conduct investigations into cases far more pro-actively than the Home Office had been able, it finds itself seriously under-resourced and underfunded. The report of its chairman this year to the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee spoke of incoming cases being required to wait at least two years before they can be assigned to a case worker. The cases with the best opportunity remain those which have arrived at the commission fully researched and investigated with new evidence compellingly presented. Resources available to the press, in particular (but not exclusively) the large budgets available to television programmes, are clearly the most significant chance of discovering new evidence, particularly where expensive expert research requires commissioning. As important, however, is the potential interest of smaller, local newspapers and journals, which can provoke interest in the relevant area and prompt fresh evidence." |
Gareth Peirce then described in compelling detail how the above factors have been relevant in five particular cases "as well as in many others of which these are examples." Counsel for the Home Secretary was given leave to challenge this affidavit if it was thought proper to do so. There has been no challenge. I have no hesitation in accepting that the general picture sketched by Gareth Peirce, as well as her discussion of particular cases, is correct. On any view this is powerful evidence. |
Two important inferences can and should be drawn. First, until the Home Secretary imposed a blanket ban on oral interviews between prisoners and journalists in or about 1995, such interviews had taken place from time to time and had served to identify and undo a substantial number of miscarriages of justice. There is no evidence that any of these interviews had resulted in any adverse impact on prison discipline. Secondly, the evidence establishes clearly that without oral interviews it is now virtually impossible under the Home Secretary's blanket ban for a journalist to take up the case of a prisoner who alleges a miscarriage of justice. In the process a means of correcting errors in the functioning of the criminal justice system has been lost. |
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(c) The counter-arguments on behalf of the Home Secretary |
For my part I am reasonably confident that once it is accepted that oral interviews with prisoners serve a useful purpose in exposing potential miscarriages of justice the Home Secretary would not wish his present policy to be maintained. But, if I am mistaken in that supposition, my view is that investigative journalism, based on oral interviews with prisoners, fulfils an important corrective role, with wider implications than the undoing of particular miscarriages of justice. Nevertheless, I must directly address the counter arguments advance by the Home Secretary. |
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(d) Conclusion |
On the assumption that paragraphs 37 and 37A should be construed as the Home Secretary contends, I have no doubt that these provisions are exorbitant in width in so far as they would undermine the fundamental rights invoked by the applicants in the present proceedings and are therefore ultra vires. |
2. The interpretation of paragraphs 37 and 37A |
The only relevant issue in the present proceedings is whether paragraphs 37 and 37A are ultra vires because they are in conflict with the fundamental and basic rights claimed by the applicants. The principle of legality justifies the conclusion that paragraphs 37 and 37A have not been demonstrated to be ultra vires in the cases under consideration. |
3. The disposal of the appeal |
My Lords, my judgment does not involve tearing up the rule book governing prisons. On the contrary I have taken full account of the essential public interest in maintaining order and discipline in prisons. But, I am |
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The criminal justice system has been shown to be fallible. Yet the effect of the judgment of the Court of Appeal is to outlaw the safety valve of effective investigative journalism. In my judgment the conclusions and reasoning of the Court of Appeal were wrong. |
Declarations should be granted in both cases to the effect that the Home Secretary's current policy is unlawful, and that the governors' administrative decisions pursuant to that policy were also unlawful. I would allow both appeals. |
LORD HOFFMANN. My Lords, I have had the advantage of reading in draft the speech of my noble and learned friend, Lord Steyn. I agree with it and for the reasons which he gives I would allow the appeals and make the orders which he proposes. I add only a few words of my own about the importance of the principle of legality in a constitution which, like ours, acknowledges the sovereignty of Parliament. |
Parliamentary sovereignty means that Parliament can, if it chooses, legislate contrary to fundamental principles of human rights. The Human Rights Act 1998 will not detract from this power. The constraints upon its exercise by Parliament are ultimately political, not legal. But the principle of legality means that Parliament must squarely confront what it is doing and accept the political cost. Fundamental rights cannot be overridden by general or ambiguous words. This is because there is too great a risk that the full implications of their unqualified meaning may have passed unnoticed in the democratic process. In the absence of express language or necessary implication to the contrary, the courts therefore presume that even the most general words were intended to be subject to the basic rights of the individual. In this way the courts of the United Kingdom, though acknowledging the sovereignty of Parliament, apply principles of constitutionality little different from those which exist in countries where the power of the legislature is expressly limited by a constitutional document. |
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domestic law is unlikely to involve radical change in our notions of fundamental human rights. Secondly, the principle of legality will be expressly enacted as a rule of construction in section 3 and will gain further support from the obligation of the minister in charge of a Bill to make a statement of compatibility under section 19. Thirdly, in those unusual cases in which the legislative infringement of fundamental human rights is so clearly expressed as not to yield to the principle of legality, the courts will be able to draw this to the attention of Parliament by making a declaration of incompatibility. It will then be for the sovereign Parliament to decide whether or not to remove the incompatibility. |
What this case decides is that the principle of legality applies to subordinate legislation as much as to Acts of Parliament. Prison regulations expressed in general language are also presumed to be subject to fundamental human rights. The presumption enables them to be valid. But, it also means that properly construed, they do not authorise a blanket restriction which would curtail not merely the prisoner's right of free expression, but its use in a way which could provide him with access to justice. |
LORD HOBHOUSE OF WOODBOROUGH. My Lords, the issue raised by this appeal has been stated by the parties to be "whether the provisions of paragraphs 37 and 37A [of Standing Order 5A] are ultra vires section 47 of the Prison Act 1952." |
The applicants' printed case asks for a declaration that those paragraphs are ultra vires. The argument has however ranged over wider issues and questions also the lawfulness of the present policy of the Home Department apparently wholly to exclude professional journalists from visiting prisoners unless the journalist is prepared to sign an undertaking "not to use any material obtained during the visit for professional purposes, in particular, for publication by the journalist or anyone else." I use the word "apparently" because it does not always seem to have been the policy of the department. For instance, it seems that Mr. Woffinden, a well known journalist specialising in investigating possible cases of the miscarriage of justice was allowed to visit Mr. Simms at various prisons for a number of years; Mr. Woffinden subsequently published an article about his case in "The Independent." His visits were only stopped after a specific representation to the Home Office by a Member of Parliament. Nor is it fully clear what are the parameters of the policy. The Prison Rules and the Standing Orders certainly do not necessitate the conclusion that a total ban is being imposed; in part the evidence leads to the same conclusion. This illustrates that it is the policy of the department rather than the Standing Orders themselves that are under attack. |
The ultra vires question arises under the enabling legislation. This is first section 47(1) of the Prison Act 1952: "The Secretary of State may make rules for the regulation and management of prisons ... and for the classification, treatment, employment, discipline and control of persons required to be detained therein." Under this power, the Secretary of State has made the Prison Rules 1964 (and has later amended those Rules). There are specific rules which deal with visits by Members of Parliament |
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and prison visitors and others to which it is not necessary to refer. Rules 33 to 37A deal with letters and visits. Rule 33 provides: |
"(1) The Secretary of State may, with a view to securing discipline and good order or the prevention of crime or in the interests of any persons, impose restrictions, either generally or in a particular case, upon the communications to be permitted between a prisoner and other persons. (2) Except as provided by statute or these Rules, a prisoner shall not be permitted to communicate with any outside person, or that person with him, without the leave of the Secretary of State or as a privilege under rule 4 of these Rules. (3) Except as provided by these Rules, every letter or communication to or from a prisoner may be read or examined by the governor or an officer deputed by him, and the governor may, at his discretion, stop any letter or communication on the ground that its contents are objectionable or that it is of inordinate length. (4) Every visit to a prisoner shall take place within the sight of an officer, unless the Secretary of State otherwise directs. (5) Except as provided by these Rules, every visit to a prisoner shall take place within the hearing of an officer, unless the Secretary of State otherwise directs. (6) The Secretary of State may give directions, generally or in relation to any visit or class of visits, concerning the days and times when prisoners may be visited." |
Rule 34 deals with "Personal letters and visits." It makes separate provision for convicted and unconvicted prisoners. Paragraph (8) of the rule provides: "A prisoner shall not be entitled under this rule to receive a visit from ... any person other than a relative or a friend, except with the leave of the Secretary of State." |
Rules 35 to 37A deal with special situations, including access to legal advisers and courts. The Secretary of State therefore has to justify the Standing Order under these empowering provisions including any implicit limitations to which they are subject. An alternative view is that the Standing Order itself must be read as being subject to such implicit restrictions and the decisions taken under the Standing Order must comply with those restrictions, otherwise they will be unlawful. The whole of this part of the Rules is subject to rule 2(1) which provides: "Order and discipline shall be maintained with firmness, but with no more restriction than is required for safe custody and well ordered community life." |
The Rules of 1964 have now been replaced by the Prison Rules 1999 (S.I. 1999 No. 728) which are in the presently relevant respects similar to the amended Rules of 1964. The question of the vires of Standing Order 5A, paragraphs 37 and 37A, has to be considered in relation to the powers given by the Act of 1952 and the Rules of 1964. On their face these enabling powers are sufficiently wide. |
The facts |
Turning to the factual context in which the question of journalists' visits to prisoners has been raised, it is convenient to take the Simms case as illustrative. Mr. Simms was convicted of murder on 14 March 1989 after a trial before a judge and jury. Although the body of the murdered |
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woman was never found (and has still not been found), the evidence against Mr. Simms was very strong. As is often the case, the unavailability of evidence from the alleged victim means that there are unanswered questions in reconstructing what precisely did happen, but likewise the inferences arising from the prosecution evidence were never rebutted by the defence--or, at least, such must have been the view of the jury. Mr. Simms has throughout protested his total innocence of any involvement in the woman's death or disappearance. His appeal against his conviction failed but he was trying to find new evidence, including forensic evidence, which would enable him to make out a case that his conviction was unsafe. In 1990, he approached Mr. Woffinden. This set in train a regular succession of written communications between them and visits by Mr. Woffinden to Mr. Simms in the prisons where from time to time Mr. Simms was held. |
A friendship grew up between them and it seems that Mr. Simms to some extent became dependent upon Mr. Woffinden's interest and visits. Matters came to a head because the mother of the deceased, who understandably had been conducting a campaign of her own to try and locate her daughter's body, objected to the press coverage given to Mr. Simms. In the second half of 1994 the matter was taken up with the Home Department by her M.P. and Mr. Woffinden was requested to sign the standard form of undertaking which I have already quoted. He declined and no further visits by him to Mr. Simms have taken place. In January 1995 "The Independent" published Mr. Woffinden's article about Mr. Simms's case. It recognised the strength of the case against Mr. Simms at the trial but suggested that the unanswered questions should cast doubt upon his conviction. |
The application for judicial review of the continuing requirement that Mr. Simms could only receive visits from Mr. Woffinden if he signed the undertaking was issued some 18 months later in June 1996. Affidavits in support were sworn by both Mr. Simms and Mr. Woffinden. These spoke of their friendship and the effect that the discontinuance of the visits was having upon Mr. Simms's morale. Mr. Simms confirmed that he had not had the benefit of any further legal aid after the failure of his appeal and that he was dependent upon the help and resources of the media in carrying forward his inquiries to the stage where they would justify the Home Department (now the Criminal Cases Review Commission) referring his case back to the Court of Appeal. Mr. Woffinden spoke of how in his view his dual roles of friend and professional journalist had become inseparable and of the wide-ranging nature of the conversations between them: |
"There seemed, also, an ethical dimension to this. On our visits, Ian would not just discuss his own case, but those of others with whom he was imprisoned. In this way, I first learned of a number of astonishing miscarriages. (He became a very reliable assessor of other cases, able to distinguish between bona fide victims of a fallible judicial system; and those whose assertions of injustice were not to be trusted). Sometimes, he would describe how inmates were assaulted, or otherwise deprived of their legal rights, by prison officers. Was I to be like some Catholic priest, knowing of such matters yet being |
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unable to communicate them to anyone outside the prison?" (Affidavit dated 31 January 1996). |
He says that "accordingly, I felt unable to sign an undertaking not to publicise anything that passed between us." |
The affidavits sworn in support of Mr. Simms's application exhibited correspondence exchanged with the Prison Service. The first letter was that of Mr. Woffinden dated 8 February 1995 (that is to say after the publication of the article in "The Independent"). In it he referred to some difficulties which he had recently encountered "in trying to visit a friend of mine, Ian Simms." His letter included: |
"I would further like to stress two other points: that although I have written an article about his case, I have been visiting him for some time, and therefore think of him primarily as a friend. (There are, at present, no plans to make a television programme about the case.) Also, in making this request, I am seeking no special considerations whatsoever. I am merely asking to be allowed to pay him normal, routine visits in line with the standard visiting arrangements that prevail throughout the prison system." |
The response he got was that, if he wished to visit Mr. Simms "as a friend," then this would be permitted once a written undertaking had been provided. In May Mr. Woffinden, referring to paragraph 37, wrote to the governor requesting him to authorise a visit to "my friend" on humanitarian grounds to enable him to cope better with his imprisonment. The governor responded saying: "I have no problem in allowing you to visit Ian Simms, as a friend, provided you sign the disclaimer" (as per paragraph 37). There the matter rested save for a formal request by Mr. Simms's solicitor in a letter before action which received the same reply as before. |
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professional journalist was required for the purpose of furthering Mr. Simm's interest in getting his conviction set aside or for any other purpose. |
In neither case therefore is any further journalistic need alleged or demonstrated for the purpose of prosecuting the legitimate interests of the prisoner in establishing his innocence. Whatever interviews were necessary for that purpose had already been conducted by the journalist with the prisoner. The point was well taken on behalf of the applicants that a face to face interview with the man concerned will probably be an essential part of the professional journalist's assessment whether to support the prisoner's case. A reputable journalist is not going to take up the case of a convicted prisoner unless he is persuaded that the man's belief in his innocence (whether mistaken or not) is genuine. In this regard your Lordships were assisted by the affidavits of both Mr. Woffinden and Miss Peirce, a well known solicitor practising in this field. But, I repeat, the time had passed when this consideration was relevant to these two applicants. No application was made for a visit under paragraph 37A. |
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Before Latham J. |
When these cases were before Latham J. in the Queen's Bench Division, he expressly upheld the need to regulate access by professional journalists acting as such to prisons and prisoners. To quote: |
Latham J. then discussed the various methods of controlling oral communications open to the prison authorities and concluded that they could be satisfactorily adapted to interviews: "The blanket prohibition on making use of material obtained in a visit is not, on the evidence before me, therefore justified as the minimum interference necessary with the right of free speech to meet the statutory objectives." |
This is the judgment and reasoning upon which the applicants rely before your Lordships. The judge's conclusion is not that the Secretary of State is not entitled to regulate the access of the media to penal establishments. He affirms that such regulation and control is a necessary |
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The United States and Strasbourg |
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"to avoid or expose injustice, matters relating, for example, to a prisoner's trial, conviction or sentence, or to prison conditions, in general or in a particular case, should be brought to the public's attention, if necessary by way of petition-raising." |
Its opinion was therefore that a blanket prohibition upon such communications was an over broad restriction. In that case the commission considered that the applicant's "attempts to clear his name were a legitimate and reasonable exercise of his rights, which had not been shown to have posed any threat to prison good order:" p. 515, para. 375. |
When the case went to the court, the United Kingdom accepted the substance of these conclusions of the commission: 5 E.H.R.R. 347, 377-378, para. 99. Further, the court upheld as justified (on security grounds) the authorities' interception of a letter which referred to other category A prisoners. |
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Standing Order 5 |
Communications and visits are dealt with in Standing Order 5: Section A "Visits," Section B "Correspondence." These follow a logical scheme and make separate provision for different situations. Thus in relation to visits there are paragraphs dealing separately with close relatives, other social visits, minors, legal advisers, priests and ministers, and police officers as well as for professional journalists. Standing Order 5 has the following general introduction: |
"It is one of the roles of the prison service to ensure that the socially harmful effects of an inmate's removal from normal life are as far as possible minimised and that contacts with the outside world are maintained. Outside contacts are therefore encouraged, especially between an inmate and his or her family and friends. At the same time, the prison service has an overriding duty to hold inmates in lawful custody in well-ordered establishments; and to have regard to the prevention of crime and similar considerations; and some regulation of inmates' communications is therefore necessary." |
Paragraphs 37 and 37A read: |
"37. Visits to inmates by journalists or authors in their professional capacity should in general not be allowed and the governor has authority to refuse them without reference to headquarters. If a journalist or author who is a friend or relative wishes to visit an inmate in this capacity and not for professional purposes, the governor should inform the intending visitor that before the visit can take place he or she will be required to give a written undertaking that any material obtained at the interview will not be used for professional purposes and in particular for publication by the intending visitor or anyone else. |
"37A. Where, exceptionally, a journalist or author is permitted to visit an inmate in his or her professional capacity, or is allowed |
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general access to the establishment, he or she will be required to give a written undertaking that no inmate will be interviewed except with the express permission in each case of the governor and the inmate concerned, that interviews will be conducted in accordance with such other conditions as the governor considers necessary, and that any material obtained at the interview will not be used for professional purposes except as permitted by the governor. No inmate should be permitted to accept any payment or gratuity in return for an interview or for a radio or television appearance." |
These paragraphs contain nothing which is inconsistent with the law stated in the decided cases or with the judgment of Latham J. The opening words of paragraph 37 should be construed subject to rule 2(1). They reflect no more than what has been said by Latham J. that visits to prisoners by professional journalists need to be justified. They are not in the same category as social visits by relatives and friends. The second sentence which contains the reference to the undertaking which Mr. Woffinden and Miss Voisey were asked to sign only applies to professional journalists who wish to visit the prisoner not in the capacity of journalist but socially as a relative or friend. The undertaking is in my judgment a perfectly justifiable means for distinguishing the different types of visitor. It was in this context, for the purpose of visiting socially as a friend, that Mr. Woffinden was requested by the governor to sign the undertaking and refused to do so. Latham J. recognises the need to establish the capacity in which the person is visiting and that special arrangements need to be made where the visit is to be as a professional journalist. |
Visits by professional journalists acting as such are the subject of paragraph 37A. That paragraph leaves it to the governor to lay down the conditions which will govern the visit, including, if necessary, asking for a paragraph 37A undertaking. In view of the great variety of situations which may have to be covered it is appropriate, and desirable, that the governor be given this breadth of discretion. No question has been raised in the present cases under paragraph 37A since no request for a visit was ever made under that paragraph. |
The paragraphs themselves are not objectionable nor do they raise questions of vires. It is what is done purportedly under the Prison Rules and the Standing Orders and other provisions requiring the governor's consent before someone other than a relative or friend may visit a prisoner which may do so. The Rules and Standing Orders do not impose a blanket prohibition on visits by journalists; indeed they contemplate that such visits will take place. It is the policy of the Home Department that, contrary to its own Rules and Standing Orders, would seek to impose that prohibition. It is the policy that is being called into question. |
In the two cases the subject matter of these appeals, nothing objectionable has in fact been disclosed in relation to the treatment of these applicants. The need and justification for further visits by the journalists concerned as journalists had been exhausted. No need for further professional visits was asserted, let alone demonstrated, at the time that the governor had to make the decisions which it is sought to review. The need to apply paragraph 37A did not arise. The request for further |
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visits by Mr. Woffinden to Mr. Simms was socially as a friend and that had the appropriate corollary that he should sign the undertaking. The decisions of the governors concerned were the right ones having regard to the applications to which they responded. The decisions themselves disclose no illegality. To quash the decisions and require the governors to reconsider them would inevitably lead to the same decisions being made unless new facts are relied upon by the applicants in support of their applications. But if new or additional facts are to be relied upon, the correct course for the applicants to pursue would be to make fresh applications. I pass over the fact that for Mr. O'Brien, who is on bail, the question has become academic. Indeed it was not clear to me that the applicants were still asking for that relief. |
It follows that in my judgment these applications for judicial review, as formulated, should have failed and, in so far as they attacked the vires of paragraphs 37 and 37A, should not result in declarations that those paragraphs were ultra vires. It also follows that if that was all there was to it the appeals should be dismissed. |
The department's policy |
But it is not satisfactory to leave the matter there because the department have in the course of these proceedings put forward and have been attempting in argument and by affidavit to justify and uphold a policy of the blanket exclusion of journalists. That was the submission of Mr. Parker for the Secretary of State. Two further affidavits were sworn on behalf of the Secretary of State when these cases were before the Court of Appeal. That of Mr. Thomas speaks of the need to make special arrangements and take special safeguards when journalists are conducting interviews with prisoners. He stresses that this is only possible because such visits are so few; he says it would not be possible if the allowance of such interviews became common practice. This is an affidavit which confirms the need for regulation and control. It does not justify a blanket ban; indeed, like the Standing Orders, it proceeds on the basis that, where justified, such visits will be permitted. The affidavit of Miss Wickington on the other hand, whilst again stressing and amplifying the differences between ordinary visits and visits by professional journalists, concludes by saying that the type of exceptional circumstances in which visits by journalists should be permitted would be where the prisoner was illiterate. Mr. Parker's submission was that visits by journalists should only be allowed in the case of prisoners incapable even with assistance of communicating in writing. |
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to unearth that evidence if it exists. A solicitor without funds will be most unlikely to incur the considerable cost involved in carrying out such an investigation. The same will normally apply to the prisoner's relations. In this context the media have a role to play. They have the funds and have an interest in applying them to the investigation of meritorious cases. As Miss Peirce has testified, many successful referrals have only come about because of the help of journalists. I accept, subject to the necessary qualifications, the comparison between the contribution that can be made by lawyers and journalists in this connection. Just as where a lawyer is acting for a prisoner an interview may be necessary, so with a responsible professional journalist a stage may be reached where an interview becomes necessary and other means of communication will not suffice. |
It is on this limited but important aspect that I part company with Judge L.J. with whose judgment I substantially agree. The argument before your Lordships and the additional affidavit and other material with which we were supplied show that it is not a sufficient response simply to say that written and telephone communications will in all cases suffice to satisfy the rights of the prisoner. There remains a category of situations where the denial of a face to face interview can amount to an unjustifiable denial of the right of the prisoner to communicate and his legitimate interest to pursue his attempts to obtain a review of his conviction or sentence. The category is exceptional. It will not be the extensive and unregulated right which those standing behind the applicants appear to visualise. It will not without more justify series of visits by journalists. It will not give prisoners the same facility of access to professional journalists acting as such as they have to relatives or friends. Similarly the requests for such visits and their authorisation will have to take account of the practicalities. A visit by a professional journalist to a prisoner in prison is not the same as a visit by a friend or relative. Special arrangements will |
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often be required. These will inevitably place constraints upon the granting of such visits. |
The considerations which I have referred to are covered by the discretion given to the governor in the Prison Rules and the Standing Orders. I agree with Judge L.J. [1999] Q.B. 349, 372 when he says: |
"The potential for increased problems with security and discipline, staff, other inmates, and, after conviction, with victims or their families, all underline the need for control of such visits to be vested in and exercised by the governor. This is what the regulatory framework is intended to achieve and in the circumstances I have concluded that the restriction currently under consideration is not ultra vires." |
For these reasons I would dismiss these appeals in so far as they seek a declaration that paragraphs 37 and 37A are ultra vires. But I would allow the appeals to the extent of granting a declaration that the blanket policy of refusing visits by professional journalists contended for by the Secretary of State in these proceedings is unlawful. Thus far I am in full agreement with the order proposed by your Lordships. However I understand that your Lordships would go further and quash the impugned decisions of the respective governors. So be it. For the reasons which I have already given that is not the order I would make but I will not oppose the order which your Lordships propose. That question is now academic. |
LORD MILLETT. My Lords, I have had the advantage of reading in draft the speeches prepared by my noble and learned friends, Lord Steyn and Lord Hobhouse of Woodborough. I, too, have concluded that the Prison Rules and Standing Orders, and in particular paragraphs 37 and 37A of Standing Order 5, are lawful and intra vires, but that they do not justify the manner in which they are being applied in practice. I can give my reasons quite shortly. |
As my noble and learned friend, Lord Hobhouse of Woodborough, has pointed out, the first sentence of paragraph 37 is in general terms and by way of introduction to both paragraphs 37 and 37A. It should be approached as if it appeared on its own in a separate introductory paragraph. It states the general principle that professional visits by journalists and authors should not be permitted. It is an inevitable and intended consequence of a custodial sentence that the prisoner should be deprived of the right to be visited by anyone he likes when and as often as he wants. Visits by close members of the prisoner's family are severely |
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curtailed. But a total ban on visits, even by journalists, could not be justified. For the reasons given by my noble and learned friend, Lord Steyn, a refusal to allow the prisoner to be interviewed by a responsible journalist investigating a complaint that he had been wrongly convicted would strike at the administration of justice itself. The words "in general," however, leave it open to the governor, despite the general prohibition, to permit a visit by a journalist where it would be appropriate to do so. There is nothing objectionable in requiring a proper case to be made for allowing the visit or in making it clear that this will seldom be possible. Cases calling for the intervention of an investigative journalist, though unhappily not few in number, must concern only a tiny proportion of the prison population and arise with relative infrequency. |
The remainder of paragraph 37 deals with visits from journalists and authors who claim to visit a prisoner in a non-professional capacity as a friend or relative. There is no reason why such a visitor should be treated any differently from any other friend or relative who is not a journalist or author or be subjected to such arrangements for supervision and control as would be appropriate if he were visiting the prisoner in a professional capacity. But if the visitor asks the governor to dispense with such arrangements on the ground that his visit is a purely social one, it is entirely reasonable that the governor should exact an undertaking that he will not use any material obtained in the course of his visit for professional purposes. |
What if the visitor refuses to give such an undertaking? In the case of Mr. Woffinden both parties treated this as the end of the matter. No undertaking, no visit. But this is not what the Standing Orders contemplate. In the absence of an undertaking, the governor is entitled to refuse to treat the proposed visit as a social one. But he is not entitled to turn the visitor away without further consideration. He must treat him as having requested permission for a professional interview. Such a case is governed by paragraph 37A. |
This paragraph requires the visitor to give an undertaking in a different form. It enables the governor to lay down the conditions on which the interview will take place and on which material obtained in the course of the interview may be published. I do not read this as authorising the governor to impose a requirement that the visitor should submit his work to censorship before publication. I would regard such a requirement as unlawful. In practice it would have the effect of barring the visit, for no respectable journalist or author would be prepared to submit to it. I read the paragraph as authorising the governor to impose in advance general conditions limiting the scope of the material that the visitor is free to submit for publication. Thus he could (and almost certainly would) exact an undertaking that the journalist should publish no material which the prisoner would not have been permitted to include in correspondence with him. |
Paragraph 37A envisages the situation where the governor permits a professional visit by a journalist or author, and enables him to lay down appropriate conditions to govern the visit. This is intra vires and unobjectionable. The opening sentence of paragraph 37 has already made it clear that such a situation will be the exception and not the rule. A special case must always be made to justify the visit. The word |
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"exceptionally" in paragraph 37A merely means that a strong case must be made. I can see nothing objectionable in this. |
Miss Voisey did not claim to be a friend or relative of the prisoner. She asked permission to interview the prisoner in a professional capacity. Despite this the governor demanded that she sign an undertaking in the same terms as that required of Mr. Woffinden. This was inappropriate. It would defeat the whole purpose of the proposed visit and amounted to a refusal of her request. |
Where the visiting journalist seeks a professional interview, or refuses to give the undertaking described in paragraph 37, it is still open to the visitor to satisfy the governor that it would be proper to grant permission for the visit. If he is satisfied that the visitor is a responsible journalist investigating a possible miscarriage of justice, that his investigations cannot reasonably be completed or taken further without a personal interview, and that he is willing to comply with appropriate arrangements for the supervision and control of the interview and the scope of the material to be submitted for publication, then permission should normally be granted. |
This is not the approach which was followed in the cases under appeal. Both journalists treated the governor's insistence on the undertaking as amounting to a refusal of the visit, and did not attempt to make out a case for allowing it. But it would have made no difference if they had. It was the policy of the Home Office to refuse all such requests by professional journalists, and the governors did not change their minds when the basis of the requests was explained in correspondence. |
Before your Lordships the Secretary of State has claimed the right to impose an indiscriminate ban on all professional visits by journalists or authors no matter how strong a case is made for a particular visit. I agree with my noble and learned friend, Lord Steyn, that he has no such right, that paragraph 37A of Standing Orders does not confer one, and that it would be unlawful if it did. Following the unlawful policy of the Secretary of State, the governors peremptorily refused permission in each of the cases under appeal without considering the merits of the request or inviting representations from the journalists. I would allow the appeal and make the order proposed by my noble and learned friend, Lord Steyn. |
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Solicitors: Bindman & Partners; Atter Mackenzie, Evesham; Treasury Solicitor. |
C. T. B. |